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George Gibson's Schooner

The burning of George Gibson's schooner during the War of 1812 has been part of local lore around Brighton. However,  documents that have recently come to my attention suggest a story much different from what has been presented before. Further research into this event provided lots of interesting context and makes it a lot more fascinating story.
A PDF version of this story is available for download below. It includes additional information regarding sources.
geroge_gibsons_schooner.pdf
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The Story of George Gibson's Schooner

​The last glimmer of daylight faded into dusk over Presqu’ile Bay as George Gibson picked up a shovel and began combing the grass for wood chips. For a shipwright, the measure of productivity for a day was right there around the ship being built. The wood chips would make good kindling in the cold winter months, so they were collected at the end of each day and dumped on the pile at the back of the house. That pile had expanded dramatically in the last few months.
George Gibson was fifty-nine years old during the summer of 1814. He still had fond memories of sweating under Master William Weekes at the Woolwich Dockyards where he served his apprenticeship, learning the trade of ship building. It was a proud moment, indeed, when he received his certificate as a shipwright. This was followed very closely by his marriage to Mary Randall who would provide him with six children and be the rock of his life.
After the revolutionary war, the young family were in Nova Scotia but then, in the 1790s, travelled up the St. Lawrence River to Upper Canada. George participated in the growing shipping trade on Lake Ontario along with his friend Charles Selleck. His activities were varied, but one example is found in a letter from John McGill, the commissary officer at the new town of York in 1796. McGill was approving material and equipment that George Gibson needed to build a boat to carry stone to the new parliament buildings at York. 
His daughter, Elizabeth, married Charles Selleck in Newark in 1797, while the two men were working together in the area. Selleck was an expert sailor from an old maritime family in Connecticut, and the two would collaborate over several decades as an effective team, the skilled shipwright and the experienced ship captain. Better yet, they were very good friends.
The Gibson and Selleck families had come to the bay shore of Presqu’ile Point in 1802 when the government of Upper Canada wanted to establish a district town for the new District of Newcastle. Naturally, the town was called Newcastle. Presqu’ile Bay was the best natural harbour between Kingston and York and would be seen as a “Harbour of Refuge” for sailors trying to avoid rough weather at the east end of the lake. The two men built the large, three-story jail and court house building near the shore at the little cove west of Salt Point. A year later, they also built a wharf nearby on a small piece of shoreline granted to Charles Selleck for the purpose of providing the village with a necessary public facility for the times.
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Then came the tragic loss of HMS Speedy in October 1804, which included the death of their good friend Captain Thomas Paxton, the respected captain of that vessel. Soon afterward, district town status had been wrenched away from the little community of Newcastle and later established at Amherst, in Hamilton Township, later the town of Cobourg. The Gibson and Selleck families had remained on Presqu’ile Point in spite of this debacle. They purchased the courthouse building from the government and, within a few years, they had removed the third level and done major renovations, trying to make a comfortable family home.
​The War of 1812 came along less than a decade later.
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George Gibson paused his raking and stood with his hands cupped over the end of the shovel handle. His eyes wandered slowly up and down the length of the schooner he and his sons had built over the last three months. It was beautiful! The long, sleek shape of the 14-gun schooner stood on stocks at the shoreline of the bay, not far west of the wharf. It seemed huge in the context of the shore, the buildings and the trees that cradled it in this small cove.
Who would have thought it possible? The idea seemed bizarre late last year when George and his two sons, George Jr. and Joseph, were working at the Point Frederick Shipyards near Kingston. Early in the war, the Provincial Marine had wasted no time in commanding the renowned Gibson shipwrights to bring their talents to bear on the most pressing need at that time, a lack of ships. There had been several other ship building jobs for the Gibson crew around Lake Ontario as the war progressed. For George Gibson, one thing became clear. He and his boys did not want to go back to Kingston to work under army officers who knew nothing about ship building but a lot about ordering folks around

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A dramatic change occurred in the spring of 1813 when the British Navy took charge of the Provincial Marine. Two experienced military men took up positions in an effort to conduct the war more effectively. James Lucas Yeo (above, left) was appointed as Commodore and commander-in-chief on the lakes of Canada and Lieut.-Gen. Gordon Drummond (above, right) was appointed president of the government and commander of the troops in Upper Canada.
One thing the two men immediately agreed on was the critical need to build as many ships as possible. The British and Americans were engaged in a deadly arms race on the Great Lakes and the outcome could mean defeat or victory on a large scale. On a more tactical level, the British must be able to move massive amounts of men and material from Montreal and Kingston to the battle front on the Niagara peninsula in order to support the armies fighting to keep the Americans from invading the province. Every ship, no matter how large, would add to the effort
George grinned to himself as he recalled sharp negotiations with commissary officers in Kingston. He would be happy to build a ship at Presqu’ile, near his home, if he and his sons could expect fair compensation. In the end, the priority of the new leadership to build more ships as quickly as possible led to the agreement he had signed. He received £50 on the commencement of the project and £150 was due on delivery of the completed ship to Point Frederick. For George Gibson, this was perfect! He was his own boss and his sons were there to help. They would work at home where they were not distracted by the chaos of the shipyards and where they could protect their home and loved ones from the potential threats that they knew were out in the lake. It was a dangerous time
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Through the spring and summer, several ships had sailed from Kingston into Presqu’ile Bay, unloading timber and tools for the construction of the ship. The Gibson men had constructed a small storehouse near the ship where all of this material was kept under lock and key until it was needed. The last shipment had occurred just a couple of days before when spars and rigging were delivered to the storehouse. As George looked over his handiwork, he was satisfied that they could finish the work in about two weeks, given decent weather and no major interruptions.
“Hey, old man! You need help holding up that shovel?” George was jolted from his thoughts with the challenge from his sons who had just finished straightening up the storehouse and were now standing on the shore a few yards away. He swung the shovel in their direction and suggested they might try to help this old man, if they dare. The boys knew that their pa was tough and strong, and not one to mess with. They all laughed and began the short walk up the slope to the house, where Mary had a pot of stew on the fire.
 As the shipwrights headed home for supper, darkness fell over the ship standing on stocks at the shore. This was no small boat. Documents tell us that it was described as a 14-gun schooner which would have been around 70 feet long and twenty feet wide. Standing on stocks, it would tower over the heads of the workmen and ladders were used to climb up onto the deck. Not long ago, the two towering masts had been installed. Spars and rigging would be next. Every day, small things were completed, inching closer to the day when the ship could be launched into the bay, sailed up the Bay of Quinte and Adolphus Reach, then to Kingston where it would tie up at the Point Frederick Shipyards.
At the distance of more than two centuries, it may seem that this one unfinished ship was small potatoes in the context of the wider war, and, in particular, the growing fleets of the British and Americans that sailed across the Great Lakes. By comparison, HMS Moira was a 14-gun schooner that was originally built by the Provincial Marine in 1805 and would engage in several operations with the fleet during the war of 1812. HMS Prince Regent was a 12-gun schooner, built by the Provincial Marine in 1812, and it would also play a role in many operations during the war. Every ship of this kind, no matter how many guns it carried, was considered important. This new ship would fit right in
Not only were the fleets expanding dramatically, but the ships themselves were growing larger and more powerful. Early in the summer of 1814, two ships carrying about 40 guns each were launched at Kingston that would add to the growth. Around the same time, the keel was laid for HMS St. Lawrence, the largest ship yet built in the Point Frederick Shipyards. This monster (right) was expected to carry 112 guns and become a formidable weapon against the American fleet on Lake Ontario. 
The Americans were responding in kind. While George Gibson’s schooner edged closer to launch, spies reported that the Superior was reaching completion at Sackets Harbour. Originally, the plan was for 50 guns, but, when the Americans learned about the HMS St. Lawrence, the plan was bumped to 62 guns. While the impact of one or two ships would not move one side very far ahead over the long run, the launch of certain ships did have the effect of making the authorities feel more confident, making it more likely that they might undertake more aggressive ventures.
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For a period in late spring and into the summer of 1814, Commodore Yeo used his slight superiority on Lake Ontario to blockade Sackets Harbour. Later in the summer, however, the balance tipped in favor of the Americans. Yeo raised the blockage and Commodore Isaac Chauncey was able to act more aggressively against the British fleet for a few months. Even with the balance changing somewhat from time to time, the general policy for large naval engagements on Lake Ontario in 1814 was to avoid being involved in any kind of action where you might lose costly assets. 
In response to the almost static balance of naval power on Lake Ontario related to large ships, the Commissioner of Point Frederick Shipyards pressed forward on the complementary path of building more gunboats and smaller schooners that could be used in what historians have called irregular naval warfare. This refers to operations where a few smaller boats might head out to a certain area with a crew of a few dozen, with orders to monitor shipping along the St. Lawrence or at the east end of Lake Ontario. If they encountered enemy transports, they were to use stealth and surprise to capture or destroy the boats and try to gain possession of the goods. If there was a larger ship in support of the transports, it might be prudent to let them go on their way and not risk the power of the guns.
The Point Frederick Shipyard was overwhelmed with too many ships abuilding and too many shipwrights and blacksmiths jostling for resources, so it made sense to outsource some of the work. A ship building enterprise had been established on the shore of the Bay of Quinte where the village of Bath would develop, operated by the Davy and Fairfield families. One of their schooners, which had been built in 1811 and intended for commercial trade, was burned by an American raiding part in the summer of 1813. While these external ship building facilities could be a useful alternative, they were also vulnerable to attack.
It was in this context that George Gibson made his agreement with the commissary at Kingston to build a 14-gun schooner near his home on Presqu’ile Bay. Not only was he anxious to complete the ship, deliver it to Kingston and collect payment, but the naval establishment would welcome this new 14-gun schooner to the fight. It would not be long now.

​John Young Taken Prisoner

Around the same time that George Gibson and his sons were heading home for supper on the evening of June 30th, 1814, John Young was settling into bed. His wife, Catherine, had gone to bed earlier and was sleeping soundly. Both parents were hoping that four-year-old Reuben would continue to snooze in his bed at the corner of the room. Everyone was tired at the end of these long summer days. The farm work had to be done, the baby tended to and John had to do what he could to support the local militia in this time of war.
John Young and his family lived in a small log cabin near the shore of Lake Ontario at the western end of Prince Edward County. We can pinpoint the location as lot 17, Hillier Township, in the area called The Stinson Block. Wellers Bay is to the north and the village of Consecon would develop to the north-east of the Young homestead.

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John Stinson, Sr. had obtained Patents from the Crown for more than two thousand acres in 1803 and his son, John Stinson, Jr., sold parts of it to various buyers, including Jonathan and Stephen Bowerman who in turn sold lot 17 to John Young in 1820. At the time we look in on John Young in 1814, he was leasing or renting the land but, only a few years later, he would own a farm of 155 acres which would eventually be passed down to his sons.
We should not be confused by the fact that John Young was said to be “of Ameliasburgh Township” at this time. Hillier Township was not created until 1823, so, before that, the area containing the Stinson Block was still part of Ameliasburgh Township.
John Young was thirty-one years of age in the summer of 1814. While he lived south of Wellers Bay, he was one of a large family that had settled at the Carrying Place, at the north-east corner of the bay. His father was Robert Young, the well-known British solider who obtained large grants of land due to his participation in the War of Independence. He brought his large family to Upper Canada in 1792 and took up land at the west end of the Carrying Place, on the south side of the popular crossing between Wellers Bay and the Bay of Quinte. Asa Weller and his trading post were on the north side of the trail and he would become famous for the unique batteau portage service he and his sons ran to support the growing traffic across the narrow isthmus.

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At the Young house, lights were out and everyone was ready for a long, restful night. Then, a sharp bang on the front door of the cabin shocked John out of his drowsiness and he sat straight up in bed. Another and longer series of raps on the door made clear that the Young family had vistors.  
A voice from outside asked for John to join them as they wished to speak to him. John got up and went to the door, but did not open it. The voice explaining that they were simple sailors who had got lost with two fully-loaded Brigs coming from Kingston and destined for York. They needed directions to Presqu’ile Bay in order to find a safe place to put up for the night. They were afraid that Yankee raiders might be in the area looking to steel their cargo.
John Young was still apprehensive, but decided to open the door and go outside. On stepping outside, he saw that there were three men waiting for him. They were wearing civilian clothes, but not the sort that John would expect to see on crewmen of common transports. He sensed that these were Americans, although he did not let on. There was some further discussion that was non-committal, then the men used the old standby, saying that he would be paid well. They repeated the point about being afraid of the Yankees.
The men insisted that they go to their boats at the shore and, finally, John felt he had delayed enough and agreed to go with them. They walked a few dozen yards to the lakeshore and John could see in the darkness that there were two boats pulled up on the sand, with more than a dozen men standing around them. On approaching this gathering, John quickly realized that these men were armed with pistols and swords. He attempted a small ruse by saying he had forgotten his tobacco box, but someone said there was plenty onboard. At this point, he knew this was an American raiding party and he was their prisoner.
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One of the men stepped forward as the apprehensive guest was ushered aboard one of the boats. John recognized this fellow as William Vaughan, a well-known sailing master who had come across the Carrying Place many times. Vaughan was not particularly friendly, telling Young that they did not need a pilot, but were here for information related to government stores and a vessel that was being built at Presqu’ile by one Mr. Gibson. Informants had passed on information to the effect that the government had purchased the ship and their orders were to burn it, along with the stores, if they could.
Although he did not say so, John Young was well aware that George Gibson and his sons were building a sizeable schooner near their home at Newcastle. Instead, he suggested to Mr. Vaughan that the schooner was thought to be a private concern. Vaughan’s response was sharp, saying that if they knew it was a private ship, they would not need to come here tonight. As it was, they knew it to be a government project and that it was almost complete, so they were intent on destroying it.
The men grew impatient with their tight-lipped guest. His hands were tied and he was directed to sit down and be quiet. The two boats disembarked, edging slowly up the shore to the north. As they approached the entrance to Presqu’ile Bay, fires were sighted on the shore, so the raiding party sailed to the west, along the lakeshore of Presqu’ile Point. The boats pulled in to the shore of Gull Island, which was the smaller island immediately west of Owens Point. Here the raiders made camp and prepared to spend the night.

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Most of the next day, July 1, 1814, the American raiders lay low on Gull Island, so as to avoid detection by local residents or any militia that might be in the area. Their prisoner was taken to the back part of the island and kept under guard. Even after this short time he had spent with the raiders, he had learned a good deal that the British authorities would find interesting. William Vaughan had pointed out the Commander of the operation, one Lieut. Francis Gregory, who was notorious among British naval circles for daring and successful raids. 
The prisoner had also determined that there two gigs engaged in the raid, one containing a small cannon that was kept under a tarpaulin. Commodore Yeo would have been very interested to learn that one of them was his favorite, having been captured during the Sandy Creek raid. Young estimated that there may have been upwards of thirty men and one young boy in the party. The men in charge were being very cautious to watch out for British patrols out in the lake and to keep the prisoner under control. They seemed to be well aware of the local habits of building fires on Salt Point in Presqu’ile Bay as well as the potential for resistance from militia. It was obvious that a significant amount of planning had been undertaken to ensure a good outcome for the raid.
Around sunset, the raiding party set out from Gull Island and scoped out the entrance to Presqu’ile Bay. As the evening progressed, they saw no fires or guards, so, around 11 o’clock, two men were sent into the bay to find the object of the expedition. It was determined that no guard had been placed on the ship, so the larger party came into the bay. Several men from the party rowed quietly to the ship, did a quick inspection, distributed incendiary material and set it on fire.
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The party retreated some distance into the bay and watched to see if the fire would take effect. They saw that the fire lit up the sky and flames jumped high above the tree tops. The fire also spread quickly to the small storehouse beside the ship, adding to the inferno. The raiders watched closely and, once the ship’s deck began to fall in, they made haste for the entrance to the bay and the safety of the big dark lake. 
There was jubilation among the American raiders at a job well done. This was one less schooner the British could use to attack the American fleet. John Young was concerned as discussion revolved around him being a “damned stubborn fellow” and there was talk about what they should do with him. Several unsavoury options were suggested, but finally, William Vaughan intervened and he was let off along the shore not far from his home. John Young walked quickly toward his home, wondering how he was going to explain this to his wife. 

William Vaughan piloted the raiding party into the darkness of Lake Ontario, with everyone pulling on the oars as hard as possible. They needed to find refuge on the other side of the lake at Sackets Harbour, which was their base of operations. There was great satisfaction on board as the men practiced telling the tale to each other, in anticipation of bragging loudly to their friends, family and associates. A successful raid does wonders for morale.

The Commander of the Raid

​Morale was not a problem for Acting Lieutenant Francis Gregory, the commander of the American raiding party that burned George Gibson’s schooner. As the two gigs dug into the waves of Lake Ontario, Gregory conferred with William Vaughan, the master of one of the boats, while Samuel Dixon, the pilot of the other, led the party back to Sackets Harbour. These three men had worked together several times on successful raids on British transports and gunboats up the St. Lawrence River. Sailors scrambled to become part of a crew under such men and here was another raid that would evolve into legend in the irregular navy on the American side.
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Commodore Isaac Chauncey knew as well as his British counterpart, Commodore Yeo, that smaller, flexible forces were needed to complement the power of the fleets. While the big ships remained in port due to strategic stalemate, he felt the need to send in his irregular forces. Acting Lieutenant Francis Gregory would prove to be ideal in this role. Gregory was born in Connecticut in 1789, son of a merchant ship captain. He served in the merchant marine for a short time and had the misfortune of being impressed into the Royal Navy for a year before escaping.
Much of his career before the War of 1812 had been spent in Central America and around the Gulf of Mexico, fighting to protect American commercial interests against pirates and revolutionaries. He participated in missions against the notorious Lafitte Brothers on Baratavia Bay and gained a reputation for daring, ingenuity and perseverance. When the War of 1812 began, he was stationed on Lake Ontario and participated in the capture of Fort George as well as the defence of Oswego. He was soon promoted Acting Lieutenant.
On June 15, 1814, Chauncey sent Gregory and his pilots, Vaughan and Dixon, to hunt for British transports around the Thousand Islands. He had three gigs under his command and one of them had been captured about three weeks earlier at the Battle of Sandy Creek. It had belonged to Commodore Yeo himself and was a beautiful craft built in the village of Deal in Kent, UK. Needles to say, Yeo had been upset over its loss. Gregory selected it because it was known to be fast.
On the morning of June 19, a British gunboat called Black Snake with about twenty men on board was sighted on the river. Feeling that the gunboat was too big to take on directly, Gregory decided to use trickery. He sent a skiff from one of his boats toward Black Snake with a few men waving frantically for help. The captain of Black Snake, Herman Landon, believed them to be in distress, so he allowed them close in to his side without preparing his men for a fight. 
Actually, the helpless sailors were Gregory and a few hand-picked men who, on his signal, rushed the Black Snake and, after a short struggle, took over the boat. It was not all good news, however. A while later, a larger British gunboat sighted them making for Sackets Harbour and began to overtake them. Gregory quickly moved all of his men into two boats which would increase their speed for a quick getaway. He scuttled Black Snake in order to deny the British possession of the craft. His crew rowed for their lives and managed to outpace their British pursuers.
Gregory’s daring and quick action in response to the situation gained him repeated praise from Commodore Chauncey, who said he “‘is not surpassed by any of his grade for zeal intelligence and intrepidity.” But there was no rest for the bold in this war. Near the end of June, Chauncey gave Gregory another mission, but this time he and his mates, Vaughan and Dixon, were to head west down the St. Lawrence, into the eastern end of Lake Ontario. 

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​Their primary mission was to work out of Sackets Harbour in pursuit of British transports heading between Kingston and York. Gregory also read the second part of his orders which stated that, if they did not have success with transports, they might go into Presqu’ile Bay and destroy a schooner that intelligence reports said was nearing completion. The American intelligence network had detected an unusual number of supply ships from Kingston running into Presqu’ile Bay over the last few months and specific information from one of their spies confirmed that a 14-gun schooner was being built there by George Gibson. It was their secondary objective, but important nonetheless.
Not long after the party took up position south of Presqu’ile Point, they were spotted by a British gunboat which gave chase. Fearing that they had been discovered and the British might send more patrols into the area, Gregory decided to put into Nicholson Island at the south-east corner of Prince Edward County. They learned from residents in the area that express riders had been sent to Kingston and that reinforcements may be on the way.
This sealed the deal for Gregory. They must clear the area before more British ships arrived, so he decided to abandon the primary objective and address the secondary order which could be done quickly. From Nicholson Island, his party rowed north, along the western shore of Prince Edward County. The Commander felt that they needed more specific intelligence about the ship being built on Presqu’ile Bay. He was particularly curious about what kind of guard or patrols might be set up to protect it. They passed North Bay and edged into the shore a few miles north to see if they could find a local resident to interrogate.
It was around 9 pm on the evening of Thursday, June 30th when the two boats crunched onto the gravel and were pulled up onto the beach. Gregory sent three men a few dozen yards inland to a log cabin they could see from the shore. The men knocked on the door and found the occupants already in bed. They employed some insistent pleading, impersonating sailors lost while taking two Brigs loaded with supplies from Kingston to York. Eventually, the man of the house come outside.
The objective was to lure the resident to the boats at the shore where he would see his predicament and comply with their instructions. This fellow remained calm and told them almost nothing of any value. William Vaughan spoke to him directly and may have recognized him as part of the family of Robert Young, the famous military man and loyalist of the Carrying Place. It became evident to Vaughan that they were not going to have much luck with John Young, so he was secured on a boat and the party disembarked
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Gregory was not sure how much resistance they might encounter on Presqu’ile Bay, so when fires were seen burning on the shore, he decided to hold up for the night on Gull Island, at the west end of Presqu’ile Point. The prisoner was kept out of sight as the party remained concealed the rest of that night and most of the next day.
Around sunset on July 1, 1814, the raiding party set out for another look at Presqu’ile Bay. This time, all was quiet
throughout the evening. No fires or activity of any kind was detected. Around 11 pm, the party entered the bay and slid west of Salt Point to find George Gibson’s schooner sitting on stocks by the shore. Several men were sent onshore to scout out any militia presence and to prevent locals from interfering with the job to be done. The schooner itself was unprotected, so a crew of several men approached with incendiary material. First, they conducted a quick inspection and guessed that the ship was probably within two weeks or so of launch. It was reported to Gregory that it was seen to be a “stout, well built vessel”. Quickly, they spread the incendiary material and set it alight. Almost immediately, a fire began that grew to an inferno. The raiders took to their boat and edged back out into the water to watch the progress. At one point, they saw the small storehouse beside the ship catch fire and add to the flames that were leaping into the sky.
Commander Gregory was annoyed to see the storehouse on fire. He could probably justify this as an accident, since the men had not deliberately set it afire. Besides, they were quite sure that the storehouse was full of equipment and material destined for the ship in the final phase of outfitting. In that case, it would have been justified to destroy a military asset.
All of his men gathered together on the two gigs out in Presqu’ile Bay and watched as the flames consumed the boat and storehouse. He was proud of his men for their quick action in carrying out orders, but he was also gratified that none of his men had molested a local resident or approached a civilian building. Even the prisoner was treated well. His concern was well founded. Very strict orders related to this had come down recently. Destruction of private homes and livestock had been reported at Dover earlier that year and authorities on both sides were angry. This had violated a taboo. The new orders stipulated that targets were to be exclusively military and civilians as well as their property were to be left alone. Gregory was glad that he would be able to include good news in his report on this critical issue.
Timbers cracked with a loud bang, accompanied by sparks and flames shooting into the sky. The deck of the ship had collapsed. This was the signal the party was waiting for and they made a hasty retreat out of Presqu’ile Bay. William Vaughan and Samuel Dixon took charge of the two gigs and their leader settled in for the long ride to Sackets Harbor. Hopefully, there were no British patrols in the immediate area and darkness would be their friend. Gregory always looked forward to discussions with Mr. Vaughan in the immediate afterglow of a successful mission. It was a helpful step in preparing to wright his report to the Commodore. His report on this raid would contain lots of good news.

The Burning and Beyond

George and Mary Gibson were fast asleep around 11:30 pm on July 1, 1814 when they were startled by the sound of their sons, George Jr. and Joseph, yelling at the top of their lungs “Fire!”. The boys raced out of the house and down the slope to be confronted with an orange sky and flames leaping from the ship and storehouse. The fire was well advanced so they determined right away that they needed to concentrate on saving the house from flying embers. They raced to the well and pumped buckets of water over the next half hour, wetting down the roof and outside walls of the large two-story building. 
Very soon, one of the Selleck boys came to the house with his musket at the ready. Several other members of the local militia gathered at Newcastle in the next hour to make sure the invaders did not venture onto the land to menace local residents.
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The alarm was also raised on the north side of the bay and the contingent of British soldiers stationed there increased their guard. However, they still focussed on managing the passage of prisoners of war from the battles to the west, heading toward Montreal. The old Danforth Road went through here and the prisoners trudged along the road in long straggling lines, stopping at places like the building on the north shore of Presqu’ile Bay to rest for the night. This process was so critical that the burning of George Gibson’s schooner was hardly noticed
One can imagine that the folks to the east of Presqu’ile Point, at the Carrying Place, would be very concerned about the American raid when they heard about it the next day. Hundreds of soldiers were bivouacked across the narrow isthmus, waiting for their batteaux to be drawn across so they could continue their journey. Asa Weller would be alarmed at the news, but not surprised, since it was common knowledge that George Gibson was building a schooner. Discussions about whether it was for military purposes or not seemed a moot point on the day after the raid
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Robert Young was seventy-eight years of age at the time of these events, and his son, James Young, was the primary operator of the store on Wellers Bay and other enterprises that took advantage of the traffic across the isthmus. Most of the Youngs were engaged in the militia, including Robert’s younger son, John, who lived south of Wellers Bay. His father might be stunned to hear that his son had been taken hostage, but he would be gratified to learn that he had done his duty by being rather canny with his captors, remaining largely tight-lipped about any important intelligence.
One can imagine the agitation of Captain Robert Wilkins who ran the trading post at the east end of the Carrying Place and was the head of the Commissary during the war. His fear, along with others, would have been that more raiding was coming their way. In particular, he hated the thought that supplies he was providing though his store and sending on ships to the west would end up in American hands. This event gave life to his lobbying for a full-fledged military base at the Carrying Place. For Mr. Wilkins, war and business were two sides of the same coin.
When dawn broke July 2, 1814, George Gibson and his sons stood on the shore beside their destroyed ship and storehouse. Smoke still rose from both structures although it was obvious that the damage had been done. Charred timbers lay crisscross in the pile that, the day before, had been a 14-gun schooner destined for service with the British fleet. Nothing but a mountain of ash remained of the storehouse and all its content. They might salvage a few tools, but otherwise, it was a complete loss.
George Gibson was angry. His sons were ready to take their muskets and exact revenge. One can imagine the heated discussions as emotions ran high. In the end, the Gibson family was powerless to respond to the raid on Presqu’ile Bay. In fact, the British authorities at Kingston could only receive the news with dismay and wright the costs off the books for one more naval asset. In the broader theatre of the war, it was a minor annoyance.
Lieut.-General Gordon Drummond sent a letter to his boss, Sir George Prevost, on July 7, 1814, a week after the schooner was burned. As almost an afterthought at the bottom of the letter, he wrote: “I am concerned to acquaint Your Excellency, that a Gunboat & a Durham Boat of the Enemy landed a strong party at Presque Isle, on the night of the 1st July, where they burnt the Stone House of a Mr. Gibson, and a small schooner which was building there by him.” 
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​There are always small discrepancies in the reports of military events, depending on the speaker and the circumstances, and so we should not be concerned with the details. The main idea we can take from this is that the British authorities had major problems to deal with and, while the loss of his schooner was a big deal for George Gibson, it was of little consequence to the gentlemen in charge of the war. It is always useful to see how local events are perceived in the wider world.
The war would continue for several months, but serious negotiations finally put an end to the conflict by the end of the year. On Presqu’ile Bay, life returned to normal. George Gibson and his sons engaged in commercial trade but gradually, most of his descendants would evolve toward farming. 
The Gibson family would change a lot very soon after the war. Joseph married Mary Simpson in 1815 and later developed a farm on Stoney Point. A couple of years later, George Jr. married Sarah Losie, and they lived on Presqu’ile Point near George and Mary.
​Of course, the biggest change came in the early 1820s when the town of Newcastle was moved across to the north side of the bay. Folks in the area saw that the new roads and lots more settlement on the mainland made Presqu’ile Point a backwater. The obvious problem was that there was no road to the community and everything was brought across on boats. Besides, people felt unsafe out on this peninsula, having witnessed American raids into the bay during the last war. The government agreed and provided assistance to move several families to the new location which, later in the 1840s, would be renamed from Newcastle to Gosport.
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It was soon after the war was over that George Gibson’s eldest daughter, Elizabeth, married Josiah Dix Wellington. She had remained a widow with several young children for a decade after her first husband, Charles Selleck, had died in 1809. Wellington was a sailor from New York State who made his home on Presqu’ile Point and engaged in the shipping trade. Josiah and Elizabeth Wellington would have two children of their own, Isaac Maitland Wellington, born 1821 and John Wesley Wellington, born in 1824
The name Isaac M. Wellington would become very well known around Brighton in the second half of the 1800s. In 1846 he purchased a small lot on Main Street, on the south-west corner of Division Street, and proceeded to operate a grocery store that eventually evolved into Brighton’s favourite bake shop. Mr. Wellington was involved in many other businesses, as did folks in those days who had the means. He was a town councillor for a time and also ran an insurance agency. For a few years in the early 1870s, he even operated a mill at Spring Valley.
However, Isaac M. Wellington, would also be known as a historian of some stature. He wrote about the history of the region, in particular about Presqu’ile Point. On numerous occasions in the early 1890s, his writings were published by the Ontario Historical Society and can be seen in their archives today.
One of his most enduring stories was the loss of HMS Speedy off Presqu’ile in 1804. His grandfather, George Gibson, was there at the village of Newcastle, waiting for the Speedy to arrive for the fall assizes which would include the sensational trial of a Mississauga man for murder. The story of the pinnacle rock resonates loudly in Mr. Wellington’s version of events and we can expect that this account came to him directly from members of his family who provided their recollections from the past.  
​
Many of Isaac M. Wellington’s stories were included in the Tobey Book, Brighton’s most important collection of historical information. On page 56 of the Tobey Book, we find the story of the burning of George Gibson’s schooner as provided by Mr. Wellington. It is included here in its entirety
“The part played by the notorious Bill Johnson in Brighton's history is unforgettable. A description is given of some of his activities.
"During this time (War of 1812) Grandfather Gibson spent the greater part of his time working and building a schooner for one of his sons on the shore in front of his dwelling (should kind Providence spare his boys to return from the War). He had the schooner nearly completed when a report was made to the American Government by spies that were continually coasting along the Canadian frontier that vessels were being built by the Government for war purposes. Consequently,
Bill Johnson (the notorious land pirate as he was called) was sent by the American government to burn the boat. He came from Sackett's Harbour in what was called a revenue cutter boat, and with oars muffled, the crew came noiselessly up the shore at night, threw some inflammable substance on the vessel, ignited it and the boat was soon wrapped in flames from stem to stern, burning to ashes while standing on the stocks. While the boat was burning, the cutter was seen with 6 or 8 oars on either side dipping together into the water taking her departure."”

​

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It is apparent that Mr. Wellington’s version of the story differs significantly from the version provided earlier in this document. We must remember that Mr. Wellington was working in the 1880s or 1890s and his access to documents was very limited. He relied very much on anecdotal information provided by friends and family as well as people from the area who may have carried the stories down through generations in their families.
The reader might also keep in mind that the author of this piece, the current History Guy of Brighton, has often repeated the best information available regarding various topics in local history. In this particular case, the story of the pirate Bill Johnson resonates and is easy to tell. We always tell our stories based on the best evidence at the time.
As luck would have it, a very important set of documents recently came into my possession. Sean Scally, the historical documentary video producer, passed a file to me which he had received from David Harris of Belleville. The bulk of the documents in the file are depositions related to War Loss Claims after the War of 1812 for some of the people at the Carrying Place such as Asa Weller, James Young and Robert Wilkins.
However, down at the bottom, several documents are depositions related to George Gibson of Presqu’ile Bay, including loss claims by George Gibson for the costs related to the burning if his schooner and the storehouse beside it. But also, there is the two-page deposition of John Young which outlines in detail his experiences with the American raiding party that burned George Gibson’s schooner. It was taken by James Young, John's brother, about two months after the events. I could hardly believe my eyes! What an amazing find!
Even better, once I had this basic information about the events, I could do further research to find information from the military point of view, and, in particular, from the American side. Naval operations on the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes are well documented so it was not difficult to find material that opened up a different angle to the story and made it even more interesting.
Obviously, I needed to tell this story. I mean the story I now know to be true. 

The Deposition of John Young

John Young sat for a deposition on August 22, 1814, less than two months after he was taken hostage by the American raiders. The deposition was taken by James Young, John’s older brother, who was a Justice of the Peace for Ameliasburgh Township. The exact location of the deposition is not given, only saying Ameliasburgh Township. It could be that John was asked to come to the large Young house on the south side of the Carrying Place, near the shore of Wellers Bay.
This deposition is the largest document of those found in this collection on the web site of the Library and Archives of Canada. It takes up two full pages, and, like all of these documents, is hand-written. The hand writing is mostly readable, although the occasional word takes some speculation. Digital copies of the original pages can be downloaded using the link below.
deposition_of_john_young_archived_document.pdf
File Size: 2451 kb
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Download File

Here is the content of John Youngs deposition on August 22, 1814: (cleaned up a bit re spelling and punctuation)

Midland District; 
Personally appeared before me, James Young Esquire, one of His Majesties Justices, appointed to keep the peace in and for the said district, John Young of the Township of Ameliasburgh District aforesaid, who, being duly Sworn, deposeth and Saith that on the evening of the 30th of June last about nine o'clock, some person knocked at Deponents Door. Deponent being in bed, desired them to walk in, upon which they bid him, the deponent, to come to the door as they wished to speak to him, upon which Deponent got up and went to the door, upon which he discovered three men who asked Deponent if he new the way to the Presqu’ile as they were two loaded Brigs from Kingston and they had got lost & the ?Lake? deceived them, and that the Yankee fleet was out and they wished to secure themselves in a harbour before daylight. Deponent made some objection on account of his not being ?? upon which one of them said they would pay him well as they was afraid of being taken by the Yankees. Upon which Deponent consented to go with them, upon which Deponent went with them near to the boats, upon which he discovered they were armed with swords & pistols. He then made an excuse to go back under fiction of having forgot his tobacco box, upon which they ordered him into the Boats, saying they had tobacco enough on board. Upon which Deponent discovered William Vaughan, one of the American Sailing masters, who told him they did not want a pilot as he was as good a pilot as any on the Lake, but wanted information concerning the government stores and a vessel building at the Presqu’ile by one Gibson, as they was informed government had bought it and they was sent to burn it, and the government stores which they was informed by a deserter was deposited on the Presqu’ile on the Carrying Place. Deponent told them he knew nothing about the stores, but believed the vessel to be private property. They told Deponent, had they have known it before they left home, they would not have come, but since they had come, their orders was to destroy it, as they was convinced it was government property. And took Deponent prisoner with them that night, within half a mile of Presqu’ile harbour, when discovering some fires upon the shore, they returned to a small island called Gule Island, where they lay the next day until nearly sunset, when they again proceeded for the Presqu’ile harbour and arrived there around eleven o'clock at night on the first of July. Upon which two men landed and, after examining the harbour and finding no guard, a party landed and set fire to Gibson's vessel and remained there until the deck fell in, upon which they reembarked and said with much exultation their object being answered they would return home and take Deponent prisoner with them as he was a Damned Stubborn Fellow, and would give them no information. Upon which William Vaughan interceded in his favour and he was set on shore the same night nearly a mile from the place he was taken. Deponent further saith that the Americans had with them two boats, one having a small piece of ordnance which was kept covered with a tarpaulin and was manned by twenty six men and one boy and appeared to act with much caution, keeping Deponent a prisoner in the boat the whole time he was with them, except the time he was upon the Small Island and then he was kept on the back of the Island. Deponent further saith that the Commander's name he was informed by Vaughan was Gregory, a Lieut. of the Navy and further Deponent saith not. 
Sworn before me at Ameliasburgh this 22nd day of August 1814. John Young. James Young J.P.
​
 If we look closer at the documents, we can see that John Young sat with his brother for another deposition on October 14, 1818. This was a much shorter and more general deposition on the same topic.

As for John Young, he and his wife had another child, James, the next year, and another son, Johnson, about a decade later. John would be able to purchase the farm on lot 17, The Stinson Bock, in February of 1820, and the land would be passed on to his sons, Reuben and James, when John Young died in 1847.

Zeal vs. Judgement

​Acting Lieut. Gregory wrote a detailed report of the raid for his boss, Commodore Isaac Chauncey (right). In turn, Chauncey wrote to the Secretary of the Navy, William Jones, to describe the operation and hit on the key points of policy and personnel. He made very clear that Gregory’s men had not violated the new orders about abusing civilians and damaging property of no military importance. Yes, the storehouse near the ship had caught fire, but this was accidental and could be seen as a benefit because it contained equipment and materials that would have allowed the ship to be launched very soon. No problem there.
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Mostly, Chauncey praised Gregory and his men for their initiative and effectiveness in carrying out this raid successfully without the loss of boats or men. He also raised the issue to Jones that Gregory’s party was not eligible for compensation as a result of this raid. While the loss of this schooner would help the American balance of power on the lake, this operation was not a conventional naval battle between ships, so there was no prize to bring back and sell. On occasion, the Secretary of the Navy might approve such compensation, even though not within the normal administrative rules of the Navy. Chauncey made his recommendation for some kind of monetary reward on behalf of Gregory and his men, and left it with the secretary.
Toward the end of August, Chauncey had another mission for now Lieutenant Gregory and his men. He wanted to determine whether parts of the British fleet might be hiding in the upper reaches of the Bay of Quinte, ready to issue forth and attack Sackets Harbour or Oswego. The new ship Superior was close to launching at Sackets Harbour and the Americans wanted nothing to prevent or delay the addition of this large new fighting ship to their fleet on Lake Ontario.
On August 26, Gregory led an armed reconnaissance party into the Bay of Quinte. It was a small party, only eight men in one gig, along with one midshipman and Lieut. Gregory. His orders were to reconnoiter and not to take any unnecessary risks. Unfortunately, the one aggressive action he did take proved consequential. A raft of picket timber was spotted along the shore and Gregory ordered it burned. In the meantime, two British barges with about 30 men on board had been hiding in the bushes at the shore near the timber raft. Before Gregory could react, the men on these two craft suddenly engaged the small party with destructive fire, killing the midshipman and wounding five of the eight men. Gregory had no choice but to surrender.
In his letter to Chauncey, Gregory said “It becomes a painful duty to inform you of my Captivity, and the loss of the Boat and Crew, (ten in all) under my charge, taken at the mouth of the Bay of Quinte, yesterday by two English Barges, with thirty men, after an unavailing, and fatal attempt to escape.” At the end of the letter, he adds “I regret the unfortunate issue of this affair, but am proud of the heroic devotion of my gallant companions while overpower'd by superior numbers.”

​Lieut. Gregory could put a brave face on it, but his stellar reputation had been tarnished. His boss was supportive, but recognized the error in judgement that led to his capture. As he explained to his boss, Secretary of the Navy William Jones, “The loss of this boat and crew is truly mortifying: Lt. Gregory was an officer in whose judgment and discretion I had the most implicit confidence, but it appears that in this instance he has suffered his zeal to get the better of his judgment.”
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Lieut. Francis Gregory would be held in Kingston for a time and, in spite of several prisoner exchanges that were successfully undertaken between the British and Americans, Gregory remained in custody. A letter written in November by Lieut. William Carter, an associate of Gregory’s, stated Gregory had not yet been exchanged and that “ … the circumstance of his having conducted, with success, several enterprises against the enemy may justify the conclusion that his exchange will not be soon effected.
In spite of this episode, Gregory’s naval career would continue after the war was over. He returned to the Caribbean to fight pirates and revolutionaries and was later involved in the Mexican war, commanding the naval brigade that landed at Vera Cruz. In the 1850s, he was combating the slave trade with the West African Squadron. After retiring from the navy, the Civil War brought Frank Gregory back to oversee conversion of civilian ships for wartime patrols and blockades.   ​

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